Covert Kinetic Action and the Rule of Law
By Kevin Wright, Press Relations Manager & Policy Liaison, New Paradigm Institute
Congress has never been eager to confront the executive branch of our government, even when executive branch agencies have been caught operating outside of their constitutional constraints. Historically, it has taken something transparently immoral and illegal, as well as unconstitutional, to impel such action on the part of Congress.
For example, it took decades of foreign and domestic abuse by the Intelligence Community (IC) for Congress to convene the Church Committee to investigate. The work of the Church Committee ultimately led to the establishment of permanent select committees on intelligence in the House and Senate, providing crucial, though still too limited, oversight of the executive branch.
The brutal Vietnam Conflict, a congressionally un-declared war, raged for a decade following the fabricated Gulf of Tonkin Incident of 1964 before Congress exercised its constitutionally mandated check on the president by enacting the War Powers Act in 1973. In passing this law, Congress sought to rein in presidential war-making capacities and asserted its Article I, Section 8, Paragraph 10 constitutional authority “to make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces.”
In the 1980s, it was the criminal and unconstitutional activities of the off-the-shelf private covert operations Enterprise of the Iran-Contra affair, which clandestinely engaged in forbidden arms sales, unauthorized foreign interventions, criminal drug smuggling, and assassination activities without congressional knowledge, that compelled Congress to act again. The passage of the Intelligence Authorization Act of 1991 was an attempt by the legislative branch to ensure covert actions, such as the Iran-Contra affair, would never again occur.
Our nation is now confronted by yet another significant constitutional moment, one that may very well eclipse these three earlier events, compelling Congress to take action on an even more robust scale.
Powerful members of Congress have been credibly informed that Unidentified Flying Objects (UFOs), or what is now officially referred to as Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena (UAP), are real, that they are under the control of an Extraterrestrial (ET) non-human intelligence (NHI), and that this NHI possesses technologies of an unknown origin far beyond our current capacities.
It has also recently and credibly been reported to members of Congress and their staff, by whistleblowers and those with first-hand knowledge, that some ultra-secret executive branch unit, or corporate proxy of our government, is tracking, targeting, kinetically disabling, and physically capturing UFOs/UAP to recover and reverse engineer vehicles for military purposes. According to reports, the use of force against UFOs/UAP may date back decades.
Photo: Alleged disabled UFO from KETTLE 1 footage taken during the Bluegill Triple Prime nuclear test.
Recently, Jake Barber, an Air Force veteran and helicopter pilot who participated in covert government crash retrieval missions, publicly alleged that high-pulse microwave weapons have been used to bring down UFOs/UAP. Similarly, the late Ambassador Harald Malmgren, who served as an advisor to Presidents John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Gerald Ford, alleged that specific anti-ballistic missile tests involving atmospheric nuclear detonations were, in fact, covert attempts to disable or intercept UAP.
The New Paradigm Institute (NPI) has reason to believe these reports are true. Further, NPI reasonably believes that there exists an element within the U.S. military and covert Intelligence Community (IC), an element allied with private aerospace defense corporations acting with purported secret military or IC authorization, that is engaged in covert kinetic action against UFOs/UAP. If this is proven to be true, this would be happening without any knowledge of, or approval from, Congress and, almost certainly, without our present president’s knowledge or consent.
Such covert kinetic action would constitute the most profound constitutional scandal in our history: a virtual sub rosa shadow war waged entirely in secret, beyond the control of Congress and even beyond the control of any given commander in chief in office. Such a secret military action would constitute the total collapse of our nation’s separation of powers and the rule of law. The mere possibility of such a situation demands immediate action by Congress.
Our Constitution deliberately divides the power to make war between the executive and legislative branches. Article I, Section VIII vests Congress with sole authority to “declare war,” “make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water,” and “raise and support armies.” Article II, Section II, provides that the president “shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States.” However, the Constitution does not authorize the president to initiate any sustained combat engagements without express congressional authorization.
To reinforce this constitutional division of authority, Congress passed the War Powers Act (50 U.S. Code, Chapt. 33) in 1973 (WPA), requiring the president to notify Congress within 48 hours of introducing any U.S. forces into any military hostilities and, absent the express approval of Congress granted within 60 days, to cease any such military activity immediately. Any military engagement with UFOs/UAP would trigger these requirements. But no such compliance has ever been reported.
The Iran-Contra Trial
Reinforcing these constitutional requirements, Congress further passed the Intelligence Authorization Act of 1991 (IAA) in response to the Iran-Contra affair in an attempt to ensure that covert operations are conducted only within express constitutional bounds. The IAA mandates that a written presidential finding of necessity be written and signed by the president authorizing any covert operation. Such a finding must be immediately reported to the appropriate congressional intelligence committees. If any kinetic action against UFOs/UAP is being conducted covertly and outside of this statutory framework, this would be criminal and subject to prosecution.
Any such operation raises the spectre of six different possibilities.
The first is that presidents have been fully informed of covert kinetic activity directed against UFOs/UAP and have secretly authorized it without notifying Congress. Such unreported action against UFOs/UAP would violate the WPA and the IAA.
A second, more grave scenario, one which has been reported by multiple parties in a position to know, involves presidents not being read into these programs at all. If kinetic activity is, in fact, being undertaken by the U.S. military against UFOs/UAP without the foreknowledge and authorization of the commander in chief, then civilian control of our military, a bedrock principle of our unique American constitutional order, has entirely broken down. Such covert activity would constitute a rogue national security state apparatus acting independently of congressional and executive oversight, an extra-constitutional power center making decisions of absolutely existential consequence without any lawful authority whatsoever.
A third possibility is that private aerospace corporations are carrying out operations with the knowledge and tacit approval of the president but without the perceived need to make or report to Congress any presidential finding of necessity. Even if done under the rationale of national security, this would represent the president’s unconstitutional delegation of military authority to private entities not accountable to Congress or the public. Private corporations, which tend to hide behind the shield of trade secrets and seek profit rather than the public interest, are not elected or sworn to abide by the Constitution. Authorizing such corporate security forces to use force in our American government’s name would amount to a privatized war effort operating in the shadows.
A fourth possibility is a legally opaque scenario involving Waived Special Access Programs. Under this rubric, a highly select very few executive branch agents and operatives, concealed within the Pentagon and the IC, oversee highly compartmentalized operations involving UFOs/UAP and potentially ET/NHI as well. In theory, such an operation might not violate any stand-alone provision of the Constitution if a written presidential finding of necessity exists on paper somewhere from a previous president. However, if any such program is being concealed from the current president and Congress, such a program would constitute a ghost chain of command operating from the past with present plausible deniability, immune from public scrutiny, and entirely impossible to audit. Such a process would shred the spirit of constitutional governance, allowing a virtual shadow government to control history’s most critical government operation and would violate the WPA and the IAA.
There is a fifth possibility: it is possible that kinetic engagements against UFOs/UAP and ET/NHI are being framed as secret defensive responses to some still-concealed imminent threat. Could this legal pretext be used to bypass notification and authorization requirements under the WPA? Not legally and certainly not constitutionally. Indeed, this kind of intentionally strategic ambiguity that employs a vague national security exception to conceal sustained, undeclared military action is precisely the abuse that the WPA and the IAA were each enacted by Congress to prevent.
Photo - UFO Whistleblower Jake Barber's NewsNation interview discussing private military contractors conducting kinetic operations against UFOs/UAP
Finally, there is a possibility that is the most disturbing of all: private contractors, motivated by corporate ambition rather than any national interest, could be conducting private kinetic operations against UFOs/UAP without Congress’ or the president’s knowledge. Such a development would be unprecedented and absolutely intolerable in our constitutional democracy. Any such operation could be, and should be, criminally punished as a violation of the Federal Neutrality Act (Title 18 USC, Sect. 960), which prohibits private citizens from undertaking military activities against any foreign power against which our government has not officially declared war.
The credible possibility of any of these six scenarios being presently operative demands immediate investigation by Congress. Each is an entirely plausible interpretation of what is being credibly reported to Congress and is entirely consistent with decades of compartmentalization and secretiveness within the U.S. national security state.
If any of the six alternative scenarios outlined above are proven to be occurring, we have not only been denied the truth about what is flying in our skies above us; we are being governed by actors operating entirely outside our constitutional order who are criminally culpable and must be held accountable.
Congress enacted the WPA and the IAA to prevent such situations from happening. These laws were not passed to make the president or their national security agencies and departments more comfortable. Congress enacted these specific laws to protect our constitutional system when national security state secrecy threatens to overwhelm our sovereignty.
Congress must act now to remedy this situation. Not tomorrow. Not after the 2026 midterm elections or the next presidential election in 2028. The leadership of both major political parties must demand immediate classified briefings, subpoena Pentagon and IC officials, subpoena private aerospace government contractors, and thoroughly investigate the operations of the intelligence and defense bureaucracies pertaining to UFOs/UAP and ET/NHI.
Congress must trace the funding mechanisms and the proffered legal sources of authority, if any, that purport to underpin and allow these programs. Congress must demand to know who is in charge of this extraordinary policy field. If Congress determines that kinetic action is being presently secretly undertaken against UFOs/UAP and the ET/NHI who control them, as the New Paradigm Institute strongly suspects it is, Congress must determine who authorized such actions. If our elected presidents have been bypassed, who made that decision? If private entities are involved, under what authority are they purporting to operate?
We have a right to know if our government is using military force against UFOs/UAP and the ET/NHI presence. The potential use of force against unknown phenomena outside the chain of command and in total secrecy constitutes modern history’s single greatest threat to constitutional governance.
--
It is time for Congress to act. The New Paradigm Institute asks the public to join our call to action and demand Congress immediately begin investigating these recent credible reports that covert kinetic action is being carried out against UFOs/UAP by U.S. military or intelligence components or by private contractors acting at the behest of federal entities, without congressional or presidential authorization or public oversight.
Go to https://ufos.pro/KineticAction and email your U.S. Representatives in Washington, DC.