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Implications of Disinformation and Suppression

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Document|UFO/UAP and the US Government|The Disinformation Series
byKevin Wright
onMay 19, 2025
Part of "The Disinformation Series," this section reflects on the long-term consequences of government secrecy and disinformation. From eroded public trust to stalled scientific progress, these strategies have reshaped democratic accountability and narrowed the boundaries of legitimate inquiry.

The U.S. government’s sustained reliance on secrecy, disinformation, and selective disclosure has yielded far-reaching consequences, extending well beyond the concealment of specific programs or discoveries. These practices have reshaped the public’s relationship with institutions, impeded the open pursuit of scientific knowledge, and contributed to structural challenges for democratic governance.

A key consequence of government-led disinformation is the erosion of public trust. Past disclosures about programs such as MKULTRA, COINTELPRO, and Operation Mockingbird have produced a durable skepticism toward official narratives, particularly in national security and scientific research domains. That skepticism is especially evident in the public response to UAP investigations. The 2024 report released by the All-domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO), rather than enhancing institutional credibility, reinforced long-standing concerns that disclosure efforts are primarily performative. The report’s selective use of sources, omission of key whistleblower testimony, and reliance on sanitized historical records were widely perceived as attempts to control the narrative rather than to illuminate facts.

The consequences for scientific and technological progress are equally significant. Secrecy frameworks, particularly when applied broadly and without independent review, can suppress lines of inquiry that might otherwise yield transformative breakthroughs. This concern is especially acute in areas such as advanced propulsion, alternative energy, and consciousness studies, where unconventional findings are often subject to classification or stigma. As documented in the cases of Project Stargate and the posthumous handling of Nikola Tesla’s research, suppression mechanisms can delay or derail entire fields of investigation, even when preliminary evidence suggests promising results. The long-term effect is not merely the concealment of information but the loss of intellectual momentum.

Recently, Retired Rear Admiral Timothy Gallaudet, the former Acting Administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), noted the scientific community does not treat UAP and NHI with the seriousness they deserve due to “overclassification and a deliberate, decades-long disinformation campaign by the U.S. Department of Defense and Intelligence Community” and the “scientific community needs to wake up to the reality of UAP, which represents the most monumental development since the Copernican Revolution.”74

Rear Admiral Gallaudet’s concern is not new. In a 1968 prepared Statement on Unidentified Flying Objects to the U.S. House Committee on Science and Astronautics, James E. McDonald, a senior physicist with the Institute of Atmospheric Physics at the University of Arizona, Tucson, stated: “From time to time in the history of science, situations have arisen in which a problem of ultimately enormous importance went begging for adequate attention simply because that problem appeared to involve phenomena so far outside the current bounds of scientific knowledge that it was not even regarded as a legitimate subject of serious scientific concern….I have become convinced that the scientific community, not only in this country but throughout the world, has been casually ignoring as nonsense a matter of extraordinary scientific importance.”75

These warnings, separated by more than fifty years, reflect a persistent pattern: government secrecy and disinformation do not merely withhold data—they can shape the boundaries of what the scientific community considers legitimate, thereby restricting intellectual freedom and delaying potential revolutions in knowledge.

In democratic societies, the concealment of information has legal and constitutional implications. For example, programs shielded under SAPs often operate with minimal congressional oversight and outside the reach of public accountability. This dynamic has raised questions about the integrity of constitutional checks and balances, particularly when allegations emerge that UAP-related research and reverse engineering efforts are occurring without the knowledge of legislative bodies. As past examples such as MKULTRA demonstrate, when classified programs evade oversight, ethical violations can persist unchecked for decades.

The strategic use of disinformation to deflect scrutiny has also normalized narrative control as a governing tool. Public dismissal of whistleblowers, selective media engagement, and preemptive narrative framing, such as that seen with the AARO’s 2024 report rollout, demonstrate how legacy tactics continue to influence contemporary disclosure efforts. These activities blur the distinction between national security and domestic perception management. Furthermore, the repeal of domestic safeguards under the Smith-Mundt Act (1948)76 and the inconsistent enforcement of Executive Order 12333 have left few legal barriers to disseminating government-produced propaganda.

These patterns reinforce a troubling conclusion: suppressing disruptive knowledge has become institutionalized. While the justifications for secrecy may vary, from national defense to the preservation of economic or geopolitical advantage, the mechanisms of concealment, deflection, and narrative control remain strikingly consistent. The cost is borne not only by researchers or whistleblowers but by society at large.

74 Statement by Ret. Rear Admiral Timothy Gallaudet, Understanding UAP: Science, National Security & Innovation. UAP Disclosure Fund, Sponsored by the U.S. House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, May 1, 2025.

75 McDonald, James E. Statement on Unidentified Flying Objects, prepared for the House Committee on Science and Astronautics, Symposium on Unidentified Flying Objects, July 29, 1968.

76 The “Smith–Mundt Act prohibited the U.S. Department of State and the Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) from disseminating government-produced programming” within the U.S. “over fears that these agencies would ‘propagandize’” the public. “However, in 2013, Congress abolished the domestic dissemination ban…Although the 2013 repeal of the domestic dissemination ban promotes greater government transparency…it also gives the federal government great power to covertly influence public opinion.” Sager, Weston R. Apple Pie Propaganda? The Smith–Mundt Act Before and After the Repeal of the Domestic Dissemination Ban. 109 Nw. U. L. Rev. 511 (2015).